By the 1830s, Rev. Peter Williams, Jr., son of the founder of the AME Zion Church in New York City in 1796, was a recognized religious and political leader in his own right. As his father had led black Methodists to form their own church in 1796, the younger Rev. Williams, an Episcopalian, led the effort to establish the first black Episcopal Church in New York. On July 3, 1819, St. Philips African Episcopal Church was founded with Williams as its first priest. In fact Williams was the first black priest in the Episcopal Church in the United States. Rev. Williams was also a member of the Board of Managers of the New York Anti-Slavery Society. On July 4, 1830, Rev. Williams, delivered an indictment of the American Colonization Society at his church during his Fourth of July oration. Williams used the occasion of "Independence Day" to highlight the contradictory claims of the ACS. He was not, however, completely opposed to emigration for in the speech he endorses the purchase of a tract of land in Canada for use as an asylum for African Americans if they were forcibly driven from the United States. The speech appears below.
On this day the fathers of this nation declared, "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." These truly noble sentiments have secured to their author a deathless fame. The sages and patriots of the Revolution subscribed them with enthusiasm and "pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honour" in their support.
The result has been the freedom and happiness of millions, by whom the annual returns of this day are celebrated with the loudest and most lively expressions of joy.
But although this anniversary affords occasion of rejoicing to the mass of the people of the United States, there is a class, a numerous class, consisting of nearly three millions, who participate but little in its joys, and are deprived of their unalienable rights by the very men who so loudly rejoice in the declaration that "all men are born free and equal."
The festivities of this day serve but to impress upon the minds of reflecting men of colour a deeper sense of the cruelty, the injustice, and oppression, of which they have been the victims. While others rejoice in their deliverance from a foreign yoke, they mourn that a yoke a thousandfold more grievous is fastened upon them. Alas, they are slaves in the midst of freedom; they are slaves to those who boast that freedom is the unalienable right of all; and the clanking of their fetters, and the voice of their wrongs, make a horrid discord in the songs of freedom which resound through the land.
No people in the world profess so high a respect for liberty and equality as the people of the United States, and yet no people hold so many slaves, or make such great distinctions between man and man.
From various causes (among which we cheerfully admit a sense of justice to have held no inconsiderable rank) the work of emancipation has within a few years been rapidly advancing in a number of States. The State we live in, since the 4th of July, 1827, has been able to boast that she has no slaves, and other States where there still are slaves appear disposed to follow her example.
These things furnish us with cause of gratitude to God, and encourage us to hope that the time will speedily arrive when slavery will be universally abolished. Brethren, what a bright prospect would there be before us in this land had we no prejudices to contend against after being made free.
But, alas! the freedom to which we have attained is defective. Freedom and equality have been "put asunder." The rights of men are decided by the colour of their skin; and there is as much difference made between the rights of a free white man and a free coloured man as there is between a free coloured man and a slave.
Though delivered from the fetters of slavery, we are oppressed by an unreasonable, unrighteous, and cruel prejudice, which aims at nothing less than the forcing away of all the free coloured people of the United States to the distant shores of Africa. Far be it from me to impeach the motives of every member of the African Colonization Society. The civilizing and Christianizing of that vast continent, and the extirpation of the abominable traffic in slaves (which notwithstanding all the laws passed for its suppression is still carried on in all its horrors), are no doubt the principal motives which induce many to give it their support.
But there are those, and those who are most active and most influential in its cause, who hesitate not to say that they wish to rid the country of the free coloured population, and there is sufficient reason to believe, that with many, this is the principal motive for supporting that society; and that whether Africa is civilized or not, and whether the Slave Trade be suppressed or not, they would wish to see the free coloured people removed from this country to Africa.
Africa could certainly be brought into a state of civil and religious improvement without sending all the free people of colour in the United States there.
A few well-qualified missionaries, properly fitted out and supported, would do more for the instruction and improvement of the natives of that country than a host of colonists, the greater part of whom would need to be instructed themselves, and all of whom for a long period would find enough to do to provide for themselves instead of instructing the natives.
How inconsistent are those who say that Africa will be benefited by the removal of the free people of colour of the United States there, while they say they are the most vile and degraded people in the world. If we are as vile and degraded as they represent us, and they wish the Africans to be rendered a virtuous, enlightened and happy people, they should not think of sending us among them, lest we should make them worse instead of better.
The colonies planted by white men on the shores of America, so far from benefiting the aborigines, corrupted their morals, and caused their ruin; and yet those who say we are the most vile people in the world would send us to Africa to improve the character and condition of the natives. Such arguments would not be listened to for a moment were not the minds of the community strangely warped by prejudice.
Those who wish that that vast continent should be compensated for the injuries done it, by sending thither the light of the gospel and the arts of civilized life, should aid in sending and supporting well-qualified missionaries, who should be wholly devoted to the work of instruction, instead of sending colonists who would be apt to turn the ignorance of the natives to their own advantage, and do them more harm than good.
Much has also been said by Colonizationists about improving the character and condition of the people of colour of this country by sending them to Africa. This is more inconsistent still. We are to be improved by being sent far from civilized society. This is a novel mode of improvement. What is there in the burning sun, the arid plains, and barbarous customs of Africa, that is so peculiarly favourable to our improvement? What hinders our improving here, where schools and colleges abound, where the gospel is preached at every corner, and where all the arts and sciences are verging fast to perfection? Nothing, nothing but prejudice. It requires no large expenditures, no hazardous enterprises to raise the people of colour in the United States to as highly improved a state as any class of the community. All that is necessary is that those who profess to be anxious for it should lay aside their prejudices and act towards them as they do by others.
We are NATIVES of this country, we ask only to be treated as well as FOREIGNERS. Not a few of our fathers suffered and bled to purchase its independence; we ask only to be treated as well as those who fought against it. We have toiled to cultivate it, and to raise it to its present prosperous condition; we ask only to share equal privileges with those who come from distant lands, to enjoy the fruits of our labour. Let these moderate requests be granted, and we need not go to Africa nor anywhere else to be improved and happy. We cannot but doubt the purity of the motives of those persons who deny us these requests, and would send us to Africa to gain what they might give us at home.
But they say the prejudices of the country against us are invincible; and as they cannot be conquered, it is better that we should be removed beyond their influence. This plea should never proceed from the lips of any man who professes to believe that a just God rules in the heavens.
The African Colonization Society is a numerous and influential body. Would they lay aside their own prejudices, much of the burden would be at once removed; and their example (especially if they were as anxious to have justice done us here as to send us to Africa) would have such an influence upon the community at large as would soon cause prejudice to hide its deformed head.
But, alas! the course which they have pursued has an opposite tendency.
By the scandalous misrepresentations which they are continually giving of our character and conduct we have sustained much injury, and have reason to apprehend much more.
Without any charge of crime we have been denied all access to places to which we formerly had the most free intercourse; the coloured citizens of other places, on leaving their homes, have been denied the privilege of returning; and others have been absolutely driven out.
Has the Colonization Society had no effect in producing these barbarous measures?
They profess to have no other object in view than the colonizing of the free people of colour on the coast of Africa, with their own consent; but if our homes are made so uncomfortable that we cannot continue in them, or, if like our brethren of Ohio and New Orleans, we are driven from them, and no other door is open to receive us but Africa, our removal there will be anything but voluntary.
It is very certain that very few free people of colour wish to go to that land. The Colonization Society know this, and yet they do certainly calculate that in time they will have us all removed there.
How can this be effected but by making our situation worse here, and closing every other door against us?
God in His good providence has opened for such of us as may choose to leave these States an asylum in the neighbouring British Providence of Canada.
There is a large tract of land on the borders of Lake Huron, containing a million of acres, which is offered to our people at $1.50 per acre. It lies between the 42nd and 44th degrees of north latitude. The climate is represented as differing but little from this; the soil as good as any in the world; well timbered and watered. The laws are good, and the same for the coloured man as the white man. A powerful sympathy prevails there in our behalf, instead of the prejudice which here oppresses us; and everything encourages the hope, that by prudence and industry we may rise to as prosperous and happy a condition as any people under the sun.
To secure this land as a settlement for our people it is necessary that a payment of $6,000 be made on or before the 10th of November next.
This sum it is proposed to lay out in the purchase of 4,000 acres, and when paid will secure the keeping of the remainder in reserve for coloured emigrants ten years. The land so purchased is to be sold out by agents, or trustees to emigrants, and the moneys received in return to be appropriated to a second purchase, which is to be sold as at first, and the returns again laid out in land, until the whole tract is in their possession; and then the capital so employed is to be expended on objects of general utility.
The persons who have bargained for the land have found it necessary to apply to the citizens of the United States to aid them by their donations in raising the amount necessary to make their first purchase, and also to aid a number of emigrants who were driven away in a cruel manner, and in a destitute condition from Cincinnati, to seek a home where they might, and who have selected the Huron tract as their future abode.
Each of these particulars present powerful claims to your liberality. "Cast thy bread upon the waters," says the wise man in the text, "and thou shalt find it after many days. Give a portion to seven and also to eight, for thou knowest not what evil shall be upon the earth." Oh! truly we "know not what evil shall be upon the earth."
When we look at the course of events, relative to our people in this country, we find reason to conclude that it is proper we should provide a convenient asylum to which we and our children may flee in case we should be so oppressed as to find it necessary to leave our present homes. The opinion is daily gaining ground, and has been often openly expressed, that it would be a great blessing to the country if all its free coloured population could be removed to Africa. As this opinion advances, recourse will naturally be had to such measures as will make us feel it necessary to go. Its operation has been already much felt in various States.
The coloured population of Cincinnati were an orderly, industrious and thriving people, but the white citizens, having determined to force them out, first entered into a combination that they would give none of them employment; and finally resorted to violent measures to compel them to go. Should the anxiety to get rid of us increase, have we not reason to fear that some such courses may be pursued in other places.
Satan is an inventive genius. He often appears under the garb of an angel of light, and makes religion and patriotism his plea for the execution of his designs. Our Lord foretold His disciples that "the time cometh, when whosoever killeth you, will think that he doeth God service." Brethren, the time is already come when many think that whosoever causeth us to remove from our native home does service to his country and to God.
Ah! to many in other places beside Cincinnati and New Orleans the sight of free men of colour is so unwelcome that we know not what they may think themselves justifiable in doing to get rid of them. Will it not then be wise for us to provide ourselves with a convenient asylum in time. We have now a fair opportunity of doing so; but if we neglect it, it may be occupied by others, and I know of none likely to be offered which promises so many advantages. Indeed, I feel warranted in saying, that if they are not speedily secured, attempts will be made to prevent our securing them hereafter, and that propositions have actually been made, by influential men, to purchase them, in order that the coloured people may not get them in their possession.
It is true that Africa and Hayti, and perhaps some other countries, will still afford us a place of refuge, yet it will not certainly be amiss to have Canada also at our choice. Some may prefer going there to any other place. But suppose we should never stand in need of such an asylum (and some think that our having provided it will make it less necessary, an effect we should all rejoice in, as we have no wish to go if we can stay in comfort); suppose we should never stand in need of such an asylum, still the amount required to secure it is so small that we can never regret parting with it for such an object. What is $6,000 to be raised by the coloured people throughout the United States? How few are so poor that they cannot give a few shillings without missing it? Let it have the amount which is usually spent by our people in this city on the
Fourth of July in celebrating the national independence, and it will make up a very considerable part of it. I have been informed that at the suggestion of one of our coloured clergymen the members of one of the societies who intended to dine together tomorrow have agreed to give the money which would have been paid for dinner tickets to this object. This is truly patriotic. I would say to each of you, brethren "go and do likewise." Give what you would probably expend in celebrating the Fourth of July to the colony of your brethren in Canada; and on the birthday of American freedom secure the establishment of a colony in which you and your children may rise to respectability and happiness. Give it, and you will be no poorer than if you gave it not; and you will secure a place of refuge to yourselves in case of need. "Give a portion to seven and also to eight, for thou knowest not what evil shall be upon the earth."
You are strongly urged to liberality on this occasion by a regard to your future welfare. No scheme for our colonization that has ever yet been attempted has so few objections, or promises so many advantages; but if you withhold your aid until every imaginable objection is removed, you will never effect any object beneficial to yourselves or to your brethren.
Brethren, it is no time to cavil, but to help. If you mean to help the colony, help now. The amount of the first purchase must be paid by the 10th of November, or not at all. Brethren, this scheme of colonization opens to us a brighter door of hope than was ever opened to us before, and has a peculiar claim upon our patronage, because it has originated among our own people. It is not of the devising of the white men, nor of foreigners, but of our own kindred and household. If it succeeds, ours will be the credit. If it succeeds not, ours will be the fault. I am happy, however, to find that it meets the approbation of most, if not of all, of those wise and good men who have for many years been our most zealous and faithful friends, and it evidently appears to be specially favoured by Providence. But the occasion has not only an appeal to your interest, but to your charity.
Your brethren exiled from Cincinnati for no crime but because God was pleased to clothe them with a darker skin than their neighbours cry to you from the wilderness for help. They ask you for bread, for clothing, and other necessaries to sustain them, their wives and their little ones, until by their industry they can provide themselves the means of support. It is true, there are some among them that are able to help themselves; but for these we do not plead. Those who can help themselves, will; but as the ablest have been sufferers in the sacrifice of their property, and the expenses and dangers of their forced and hurried removal, they are not able to assist their destitute brethren.
Indeed, most of the wealthy men of colour in Cincinnati arranged so as to remain until they could have a chance of disposing of their property to advantage; but the poor were compelled to fly without delay, and consequently need assistance. Brethren, can you deny it to them? I know you too well to harbour such a thought. It is only necessary to state to you their case to draw forth your liberality. Think then what these poor people must have suffered in being driven with their wives and their little ones from their comfortable homes late in autumn to take up their residence in a wide and desolate wilderness. Oh, last winter must have been to them a terrible one indeed! We hope that they, by their own efforts, will be better prepared for the next; but they must yet stand in need of help. They have the rude forest to subdue, houses to build, food to provide. They are the pioneers for the establishment of a colony, which may be a happy home for thousands and tens of thousands of our oppressed race. Oh, think of the situation of these, your brethren, whom the hand of oppression has driven into exile, and whom the providence of God has perhaps doomed, like Joseph, to suffering, that at some future day much people may be saved alive. Think of them, and give to their relief as your hearts may dictate. "Cast thy bread upon the waters," etc.
Sources:
Carter G. Woodson, ed.,
Negro Orators and Their Orations (Washington, D.C.: Associated Publishers, 1925), pp. 77-81.
